Fidel Castro - RADIO-TTELEVISION INTERVIEW WITH RAFAEL RODRIGUEZ lyrics

(Summary) Question: In the last two days the papers have been writing about important revolutionary laws. But there is one bit of news that has been rather neglected concerning the activities of the peasant militias against the invaders. Tell us more about that. Fidel: Well, in the first place, I would like to explain why I am appearing tonight. In general these appearances take place Thursday at another hour. But because of the visit from the Guinea President and the work on the laws we have been drawing up, we had to choose a different hour. Besides, the baseball championship begins today and we had agreed to be at the opening. So we had to choose this time. In second place, we had to appear to explain a series of questions. I will try not to keep the baseball game waiting too long. We are going through a very important hour for the nation and the revolution. This is, above all, an interesting period which will more and more require a great effort from us. The revolution is fighting on two fronts: One is against the counterrevolution. We explained that at the ceremony of the education boards; then there is the fight in field of revolutionary work. This week these two aspects of the battle (converged?). For some time we have been explaining these aspects of the revolution and the counterrevolution to the people. It is important for the people to understand the laws of the revolution and the counterrevolution. What we are seeing in Cuba today is what has happened in one form or another in all the great revolutionary processes, like the French revolution and the Soviet revolution. (Loud applause) They were two cla**ic examples, although in the French revolution men did not yet have such clear pictures of the development of society. The French revolution was the triumph of the bourgeoisie--that is, the commercial-industrial cla**es--over the nobility. But there still was no awareness of the historic process. Later intellectuals and sociologists and economists had to try to explain the reason for the French revolution. That bought a study of social processes. In the Russian revolution of 1917, a whole series of profound studies had been made and the revolutionaries could understand these processes better. If these facts are studied, we find a series of situations comparable to those today. The Cuban revolution is a historic process, too. It is the first Latin America country to have a great social revolution. It is taking place in very difficult conditions. We have bad luck; we are worried about an imperialist country 90 miles from our revolution, while they worry because our revolution is only 90 miles from them. That imperialist country has might, not only at home, but throughout much of the world, in underdeveloped countries, and especially in Latin America. This process of imperialistic control has been consolidating itself for a century or more. Imperialism also has the support of certain social sectors. They are the most reactionary sectors--big landlords, big business, big exploiters. That is, an economic oligarchy of Latin America supports the influence of imperialism in Latin America. The situation in Africa is different, because Africa is achieving an independent life abruptly, and at the moment of imperialistic decadence, before the imperialists have been able to establish new forms of dominion. The situation in Africa is much more difficult for imperialism than that in Latin America. In Latin America they have an oligarchy to support them, while in Africa it is a minority of colonial businessmen. But in Latin America, during the epoch of imperialist might, they established control. So the Cuban revolution is developing in a difficult setting. It must fight hard. But that, at the same time, gives historic importance to the Cuban revolution. There are circumstances, too, that favor the Cuban revolution. There were periods when a boycott on sugar, oil, and machinery would have been fatal to the revolution. But thanks to the nucleus of powerful, fast-developing socialist nations our country can get oil, sell sugar, and sell goods. There is also an important nucleus of neutralist countries with which we have economic relations and friendly relations. These factors are favorable to us. However, that does not detract from the Cuban revolution. Without the work done by the Cuban people, without a popular base for the revolution, without the heroism of the Cuban people, these circumstances would have been of no avail. There would be no revolution. The merit of the Cuban revolution is that it has sustained itself and advanced with its own strength for nearly two years. We can be proud of the work we have accomplished. But the Cuban revolution cannot advance with impunity, because there are very strong international forces which wish to destroy it. All the reactionary forces in the hemisphere are plotting against our revolution. The Cuban people are doing great historic work and must face all the forces trying to destroy the revolution. Our dream is to see the aspirations of the revolution fulfilled. Almost all of us are relatively young, yet we have been lucky enough to see the fulfillment of the aspirations of several generations of Cubans. We are sure the people will see the fruit of this revolution. What is the dream of the enemies of the revolution? It is to see the Cuban revolution smashed. They do not want us to have an honest administration carrying out the historic revolutionary process. They want to bring back the same abominable interests, corruption, crooks, and exploitation. They want to see colonels, generals, and embezzlers in the government again. They would like to see the foreign officials and foreign companies return, to see the people remain ignorant and be an easy victim of abuses, and to have once again a mercenary army, hostile to the peasants and workers. They would like to show that the revolution cannot triumph against imperialism, that the worker cannot take an equal place in society, that a Negro or an Indian cannot be a man. We must meet all attacks against us. The revolution has a great majority within the country, while the counterrevolution has practically nothing here. It finds all its strength abroad. "The counterrevolution (won?) encouragement from the beginning: Financial, press, and official support. The campaign is directed from abroad. They know perfectly well what social groups will support them within our country An honest man would never side with the criminals, monopolies, big landowners, the Pentagon, and that group of U.S. politicians who are obviously imbeciles. (Applause) Imperialism has to resort to the worst. It seeks out the man who had 800 caballerias of land and is now left with 30. It seeks out smugglers and gamblers. It seeks out the big interests affected by the revolution. It seeks out the mercenary writer who sells his pen, the man in the university who is ambitious to be wealthy, and those who produce films which foster a mentality which loves Tarzan's Africa and brutality. They do not seek out the independent producers, like Chaplin, who are artists. Africa has been depicted, but not the Africa of Toure and Nkrumah. (Long applause) The world did not know of such men and of their courage. Africa was used as a market for slaves. And who had the slaves? People in Cuba and American. The big landowners of the last century and the rich bought slaves from Africa. They exploited them and ama**ed fortunes. Prejudice resulted and hatred was transmitted from father to son. Novels and films showed the Africans in a tribal state, partly clad, and attacking in bands. There was always a heroic white man with a gun, k**ing Negroes and putting them to flight. It was always the white colonizer. (Applause) They were looking for mines, treasures, and adventure. Mankind has done many positive things and many negative things, and the latter are to be found among the oligarchies, in countries which have obtained much of their wealth by looting. An industrially developed and cultured country like a Germany has been colonized by the United States. The most productive West German plants are American-owned. The Americans could set up plants there because not a single U.S. plant was destroyed during the war. But during that war the Soviet Union lost millions of homes and thousands of plants. The monopolies reaped fortunes and invested in Germany, Japan, and Europe. They established a political and economic hegemony--that is, they colonized these countries. These countries also are in the position of being turned into an atomic battlefield in the event of war. All this had its influence on our country. And how did we meet this situation? By explaining to the people, on television and radio, things they had never been told. We told them the truth. We have not convinced the chairmen of the monopolies, but we have convinced the poor man, and the farmers--and that is the power of the revolution. Those men who made millions were imperialists, who lived from politicking and vice. For 50 years Cuban society produced this type of man. "They" need this type of human material to fight from within, for their fifth column. The political and military machinery of the tyranny suffered a crushing defeat, but they are trying to regroup their forces and get in business again. Many thought the battle was over on Jan. 1 and there were those who cried because they had not been to the Sierra Maestra. But we knew from the first that the struggle would be a long one. Now this is proving to be true. One stage has already been pa**ed. The role of the foreign interests has become clearer, and we are fighting. At one time we were on the defensive, (but that too is dangerous?). Then we counterattacked. The counterrevolutionary offensive is not yet over. The reactionary politicians on the continent are preparing an attack. It can be considered in two forms: A direct attack or an attack through mercenary groups, including through a puppet government. At first they used Trujillo, but then difficulties arose between them and Trujillo, then they sought a more Bharasaic alliance with the continent and abandoned Trujillo. now they are training invasion groups in Guatemala and are using Swan Island and even U.S. territory. The possibilities of a direct attack are becoming more difficult. A direct attack would have meant destruction after what Khrushchev has said. They began to speculate that the USSR might not support Cuba, but they were playing with danger. Khrushchev said this was a mistaken idea, and he said so with great emphasis. (Applause) So what did they do? They increased their efforts to organize mercenary groups. The more hysterical they get, the more stupidities they invent. Here they are openly plotting. U.S. consular officials and FBI agents have been expelled. They tried to get Miro Cardona, Quevedo, and Valdespina on their side. They are continuing their anticommunist campaign. And now we have just nationalized 382 enterprises. (Applause) This campaign began from the very first day, when not a single revolutionary law had been issued. It was said that every Tom, Dick and Harry was a communist. The only way to have been left in peace would have been not to promulgate a single revolutionary law. One day a U.S. reporter told me: "I think you are a communist." I told him that during the war the government had told private industry what to do and that New York had some blocs of buildings which belong to the state. They say that if we plan production we are communists. They think it's fine if 5,000 persons own United Fruit stock in 10,000 caballerias of land. They get dividends. But instead of having foreign stockholders own the land, we give 5,000 peasants a chance to work, and distribute the profits. They say that is bad. It is good if you have chain stores belonging to one man, but bad if they belong to the government. (Applause) In the trial of counterrevolutionaries at Santa Clara, the defendants said that they did not want to take land back from the peasants, impose high rents, and destroy schools. They agreed with everything the revolution did. They have no notion of sockal problems; they look at matters in a very simple way. These men did not revolt against the old exploitation, crimes, and abuses. But today they decide to fight. Do they think they can wage a revolution with the support of big landowners against the peasants who own the land? The only ones who help the counterrevolutionaries are the criminals, landholders, the group of interests affected by the revolution. Then there are the adventurers, of the kind who get drunk, who want to plunder, who were disillusioned with the revolution because it did not let them carry on crooked activity. That is the element that serves the emba**y and imperialism. They tried a revolt in Pinar del Rio and it failed. They tried it in Oriente and it failed. They tried it in Las Villas and tried to form groups in the Escambray Mountains. We felt that it was better to use local people in fighting groups which were trying to wage guerrilla warfare. We knew that technique, because it was we who started the system here, after all. (Applause) They had ordered the formation of groups here and there to cause disturbances apparently preliminary to the arrival of groups being formed abroad. They tried to form a group in Havana. The peasants sent to the Escambray were formidable fighters. A second group was sent as soon as it was trained. Militiamen from Oriente were used too. They formed a cordon and began the task of locating the enemy. Very little resistance was offered. The job lasted a week or two. It was impossible to fight against the local peasants. One thousand of them were divided into two groups. Nobody escaped them. One hundred and two individuals were captured in two weeks. The prisoners were not mistreated. Everyone knows how prisoners were treated under Batista. There you have the great difference between the revolutionaries and the Batista men. No house was strafed, no peasant was bothered. Yet not a counterrevolutionary escaped. No group can ever again try to use the Escambray against us. We have a column that has spent months in the mountains, training. We are going to carry out a special agrarian reform in the Escambray. We are going to try to locate there the 1,000 peasants on cooperatives, with their arms ready. They will get credit with which to develop wealth there. It will be credit good for five years. In a few days there will be trial of the main leaders. At the same time that a landing was made in Oriente by some Masferrer men and some North Americans, a deserter stole some rifles. They wanted to form a group near Caimanera base, to create a center of disturbance near the base. The plan was to organize little groups in different parts of the country. One group went to burn a truck trailer and a jeep came along with a family in it; they opened fire and k**ed a little girl. The murderers have been captured. All of the 27 who landed have been captured. Currently, the situation is that the groups in Las Villas and Oriente have been liquidated. That is the situation at present. The groups of mercenaries being trained in Guatemala will doubtless come eventually. And we will be ready. That is one aspect of imperialist aggression--through mercenaries. Some militia units are being equipped and readied. We must fight in the economic, diplomatic, and military fields, because that is inevitable. In all revolutions that has happened. They will come, and they will be liquidated. After that, other offensives from imperialism will come. We will have to destroy many offensives by imperialism. They know what happens to counterrevolutionary leaders and imperialists who land here. It is said, but it is our duty. We did not bring the criminals here. They sent them. They can stop sending those elements here, and then the revolution will not have to mete our justice. That is all I can tell you on the counterrevolutionary outbreaks: All have been wiped out. We will continue this process as long as necessary. All these mercenaries are paid by the United States. Question: You have spoken of a counterrevolutionary offensive. What about the revolutionary government's counterattack, begun in the presidential palace: Concretely, the urban reform law. Fidel: I forgot something. There was a group of prisoners in Morrow Castle that escaped. They were from the time of the Huber Matos case. We had wanted to help them. They had been punished for their conduct at that time, but they had been revolutionaries and had likely been badly influenced. They were visited by their families three times a week at Morro. I was giving them a chance to rejoin the revolution. They were guarded by five sailors from former days. The navy was the only unit of armed forces not dissolved. We were generous to the sailors, because their conduct had been less drastic than that of the old army. But the same old thing as always happened. The emba**y spies, the State Department were intriguing. So we had to inactivate some of the naval units. The sailors were transferred. Those at Morro conspired with prisoners. We knew they were conspiring, but took preventive measures and replaced them with revolutionaries. We thought it was better to take precautionary measures than to be sorry too late. We put the sailors to work and did not dismiss them. There were some cases of sailors who reacted well. But if there are always some who react well, there are some who are naturally traitors--like those who were on duty there, and in complicity with the 14 prisoners, the old-time sailors facilitated their escape and went along with them. Naturally, if we had dissolved the navy entirely, if we had left o sailor here (few words indistinct), this would not have happened. If we had those men in prison (few words indistinct), this would not have happened. Many of those sailors still have weapons and, speaking with all sincerity, some might disappear, others might do what these traitors have done, while others might act differently. In any case it is better to speak frankly and openly. And speaking to them, to the three or four thousand sailors that remain, many of them with their arms, we want them to think about these things. Let them ponder the example of the ones who have borne themselves well and the example of those who have behaved badly. We do not want to put anybody out in the street. We realize that this is always painful, even though they have their weapons. We must tell them that the revolutionary government takes all these circumstances into consideration: The negative facts that occur and the positive facts. And so we are giving fair warning that if the men in one of the armed forces to not respond fully, loyally, and completely to the revolution and do not to their duty, we then will be forced to take measures to dissolve the force completely. Some will think this is a tactless way of speaking, but we have always spoken thus and we have always discussed these things in public. The same thing will happen to the sailors as is happening to many civil servants who (are called?) Batistianos. What is happening? Many of these people do not pardon the revolution for having been generous with them. They talk and conduct themselves in a counterrevolutionary manner. It would not cost us a thing to promulgate a law tomorrow dissolving the navy and dismissing every sailor, except those who were prisoners or who had gained revolutionary merit; to expel from the public administration all those left over from the past--Batistianos. It would not cost us anything. We are doing our part to defend the country against its internal and external enemies. We would like all to incorporate themselves in the country's efforts, so that we will not have to take drastic measures. Each case of counterrevolution, of espionage harms the country. All those who respond to the generosity of the revolution with treachery must be dealt with. We cannot be more frank. We would like all Cubans who are not against the country to join in the efforts of the country. They do not have to be 100 percent revolutionaries. Question: What about the urban reform law? Fidel: We have been seeking various solutions to the housing problem. First we set up the INAV to distribute lottery money. The basic principle was to turn the tenants into owners. Tenants have paid for homes for 30 years and never owned them. The serious situation involved the big landowners. Real estate was really in the hands of companies or individuals. The Sarra family is said to have 2,000 houses. What was our view? Instead of lending money to a person to buy a house, why not have the government change things? Among the goals of the revolution was that of reducing rents 50 percent, increasing housing, and making families owners of their homes. The law originated then. We took as a base for amortization the age of a house. A house built in 1930 is almost paid for, but not one built in 1955. It would have been nicer if we could have said no one had to pay rent any longer, but that was not possible because many families depend on the houses they rent for income. We would have deprived many persons of income. Moreover, people will have more to spend just when we are working on production and there are more things to buy. We are increasing production and consumption must be increased. In all houses built before 1940, tenants will own their houses in five years. The government will collect the money. The owners need not worry. Houses built in 1946 will be paid for in eight years. Houses built in 1950 will be paid for in 10. The rule is five years plus half the number of years after 1940. The only ones who did not benefit from the law are the members of the cabinet and the President. (Applause) The interests were not harmed much. Small incomes were not affected. The state sees to it that a person does not lose, and even improves the situation. All small homeowners will get a pension. But for the person who has many houses, the situation is different. That person cannot get more than 600 pesos. Is a revolution cruel if it a**ures former owners 600 pesos? A general can live on it and even have money in the bank. If a millionaire becomes poor he can always ask the government for a pension. (Applause) All small interests are insured. First, tenants; second, all urban businessmen profit, because they will have the right to acquire property where they are established; third, people who had houses mortgaged profit, for now they will not have to pay interest; what they pay now will go to amortize the capital. Few laws have benefited more people at one blow. This law establishes a principle: The right of a family to a dwelling. The Cuban revolution feels that the right to a dwelling is an inalienable right for a family. We cannot proclaim a right without seeing about making it a fact. The present state is one in which all tenants will become owners of their houses. The future policy: INAV will build houses for families who will pay what they are worth. But even without interest, payments would be too much: the payments to be collected will not be more than 10 percent of income. So the second stage means housing construction by the state, with small payments. That is transitional to the third state, for the future: The state, with its own resources, will build houses to give free to the family. When will that be? In 15 years everybody virtually will have his own house, all paid off. Those paying the state for houses will have their payments ended, and after that houses will be built free for families. Even though that stage seems far off, we are already doing this in rural areas, on cooperatives. On model farms, wages are fixed, but house and electricity are furnished free. That is the future stage for the cities. And at El Rosario model farm, which can be visited by November or December, each house will have an extra room for tourists, who can go there to spend weekends. In 15 years nobody will be paying anything for housing. Question: What about apartment houses? Fidel: All that sort of problem will be solved. We will see that the law is not evaded. Tenants must report abuses. Phone information about vacant apartments. Cooperate with the Public Works Ministry. Question: One article says amortization can be paid off ahead of time. Fidel: If anybody has the money and wants to pay it off quickly, he can do so. Question: Of the three laws of the past few days, two are on nationalization and banks (remainder indistinct). Fidel: Those banks are doing great service to the government through their mother firms in Canada, by expediting our financial operations. So we excluded these Canadian banks, because of the service they are rendering. That is why the two Canadian banks were not included in the law. The U.S. banks were covered by the law on defense of the economy. This is another law; it too is a law for the defense of economy, but it covered Cuban firms, not foreign firms. If they continue economic aggression, we will continue to nationalize U.S. holdings. Question: Some people, well known in Cuba, some who departed from Cuba, so to speak, say the government will nationalize everything, put itself into everything. But the law makes it obvious that enterprises of a certain nature and size are involved. What does the government think of the matter of small businessmen? Fidel: For some time we were having some difficulties because of the fear felt because of some measures. About a month ago we spoke in the CTC theater and said that we did not intend to take over everything, that sometimes, against our will, we had to take over some industries because of sabotage, because of deliberately created disputes, and so on; that we did not have enough trained personnel and did not want to take such measures. The government policy is not to take over everything, and often interventions have been against our will. We have made some mistakes in 20 months of government, because there were too many problems. Revolution is too complex a problem, especially when the revolution faces an empire as strong as the Yankee empire. We had to face a difficult task with resources exhausted. And the task had to be carried forward with men who were often untrained. Mistakes could not be avoided. Nobody can say we have not worked hard. Many sacrificed health to work the first few months. Land has to be taken to carry out agrarian reform. Almost all ministries had rights of seizure. Many seizures were justified, but some were not. Some affected poor people. These were injustices, but they were errors we could not avoid, but must have the honesty to recognize here. Interventions were necessary in some places due to reaction and due to sabotage. So, with our three laws we close one stage of the revolution, which was fundamental to it, and are now beginning a new stage. In the first stage drastic measures were necessary. Errors were made and must now be corrected. The people are strong and, when the revolution makes mistake, a person who is the victim of the error can have recourse to the revolution. We must be just--that means taking care of the interest of the humble folk, not the demands of the foreign monopolists. We are going to set up a claims office for those who have lost a truck, a tractor, or a small property, up to certain limits. These people will be able to make claims. The drastic economic and social methods end in the second stage of the revolution. Those who controlled the economy of the country have been rendered hors de combat as a result of government measures. The methods will not now be drastic. We shall have to defend the revolution against those who join the enemies of the country, but the measures will not be drastic economically speaking. The revolution is faced with a great task: The industrialization of the country; educational development; and economic and social development. We have the financial resources of the country and its natural resources. Foreign trade is in our hands, as are transportation and the public services. The revolution has all this with which to develop its economic and social programs. We have had to nationalize 382 enterprises. Now we shall enter a phase of tranquillity. The intervention policy is going to change. Whenever there is a conflict, the policy will be to seek a solution without intervention since the entire country needs to unite its forces. Interventions will occur only in exceptional cases when nothing else is possible. The revolution has attained a point at which it does need to take drastic measures against middle men. The businessmen in the city need not worry that we will establish people's stores. They were set up in the mountain regions where prices were high, where exploitation was terrific. It became necessary to take over the distribution of merchandise in the rural sections. The revolution has gained control of the import-export trade and the banks. It need not take over business as long as business charges fair prices. The revolution can solve the problems of many small business establishments. In the countryside salaries are lower than in the cities and the prices must be lower. The people's stores have made no profits. The American firms nationalized by the government have maintained their price level, since they did business in the richer quarters. They were not turned into people's stores. Prices will remain the same and will be used for government revenue. It would be a mistake to ruin the small business remaining. We will not reduce the prices at the Encanto. It will retain its characteristics as a department store. Those who can pay its prices will pay what they always have. That is the policy for the city. Any nationalized company will retain the same prices so that small businesses will not be ruined. We have liquidated big stores, but will not harm the small ones. We can, and plan to, facilitate credit for small businessmen who are in difficulty. We will establish a credit policy which will free small industries from strangulation by big interests. We will give credit to farmers who need it. Let there be no more returning to the past. The small businessman need not join with the big businessman who also exploited him. We want to establish the right to security. We do not want to take drastic measures. Those were taken against the big interest. This was what we wanted to say here today. We have done much justice with revolutionary laws. We will rectify the mistakes we have made. Power should be just. It is the duty of authority to let every citizen feel secure. But the government will be severe toward those who plot against the revolution. The revolution is determined to last, and it will last. It will be just to all honest citizens, to those who want to work, to those who have a feeling for their country. In 20 months of revolutionary government the Moncada program has been fulfilled and in many respects surpa**ed. Today we see problems more clearly than formerly. We have more experience. Time has shown that yesterday's dreams can be made to come true. We had a clear program. Today we can say with satisfaction that it has been carried out. Many people are astonished. There is no cause for astonishment. We had no commitment to the monopolies, foreign interests, theft, rotten politics, corruption. We undertook to end all such rottenness. We have not betrayed the people. Our only commitments were to the people and the head of the revolution. After (2?) months of the revolution we an*lyzed the problems of education, housing, and others that have been solved today. We spoke clearly when we began the revolutionary process, about unemployment, landless peasants, people without housing--the sectors that needed the revolution, in short. And we said that the people, who suffered every misfortune, would not get empty promises from us, but would be given a change to work hard for happiness. For the people have land, housing, beaches, factories that used to belong to monopolies, schools--things they did not have before. So we did not give the people empty promises. We believed the people would respond, and would defend what had been won. Many more things have been done. We had no idea at that time of youth brigades and volunteer teachers. We spoke of converting Camp Columbia into big school center. Now it is a big school center. All regimental barracks in Cuba have been converted. Two university cities are being built; a third will be built. Ten thousand school rooms have been built. Many houses have been built. Fifty towns are being completed. Public beaches exist. In sum, there are many things that at that time had not occurred to the original group of rebels. So the program has been more than fulfilled. Those who are disappointed did not believe what we said. They thought the revolution could be bribed. They did not think we would keep our promises. They did not believe there would be any agrarian or urban reform; they thought the old army would not be destroyed; they thought people would not be armed; they thought revolution could not resist imperialism. And so they are disappointed. Today the revolution has a new document, the one approved by the people at the general national a**embly: The Havana Declaration. Its principles are a synthesis of the aspirations of an entire nation; it proclaims the duties and rights of the human being and of nations. Now we have added one more right: The right of every family to decent dwelling. We have a big job to do in industrialization, education, better housing, health. Furthermore, we have a role in the world. It will not be an easy task. Always remember what we have read in the Bible; many are called but few are chosen. Many were called at the start of the revolution, but few were chosen. The enemy at present is waging a campaign to leave us without technicians. The U.S. Emba**y is trying to leave us without engineers by offering fabulous salaries elsewhere. There is a campaign to leave us without sugar experts. They want to take our doctors away and leave us without doctors. They offer our doctors big salaries to go abroad. And some doctors are so scurvy that they have accepted. The same is true of some technicians. We must call them by their true name, for they were men who went to our universities, who received every consideration here, and today they sell out to the gold of their country's enemy, leaving their country without technicians and doctors. Let them go. We don't want anybody here against his will. But they must never see their country again. (Applause) Some technicians working for the government left and betrayed their country. But not all will do so. There are some very good engineers, technicians, and doctors who will not abandon their country. They will not sell themselves for foreign gold. There may be people, who are always escaping revolutions, who will run into new ones in the very place where they went to sell their services. Revolutions can take place anywhere, and it is possible that the traitors will have nowhere to go. We must hasten so that the country will not lack technicians. The imperialists don't care whether children die for lack of doctors. They will try to leave us with the smallest number of technicians possible. We shall face this difficulty as we have always faced attacks and maneuvers. I believe that basically this is the situation. Those who want to work and fight can do so. -END-